共同議長ら、米新政権要人に核軍縮努力を求める Co-Chairs call on new US government to make efforts for disarmament

川口(左)、エバンズ共同��長の記者会見

川口(左)、エバンズ共同議長の記者会見

ワシントンでは、会議2日目の15日午前10:40(当地時間)より、エバンズ・川口両議長による共同記者会見が約30分間行われた。日本および豪州の記者を中心に、約20名が集まった。

会見で川口議長は、今回のワシントン会合は「米新政権を励ます狙い」があると語り、エバンズ議長は、ブッシュ前政権の8年間は不拡散の分野では多くの進展があったが、新政権には「軍縮をもっとしっかりと」やってもらいたいと述べた。

共同議長ら、米要人に5つの要求

記者会見での発表および会議プログラムを総合すると、会議が始まる前日2月13日に、委員全員がスタインバーグ国務副長官およびケリー上院外交委員長に面会するとともに、共同議長およびペリー委員がバイデン副大統領、ジョーンズ国家安全保障顧問、バーマン下院外交委員長、シャーマン下院テロ問題小委員長に面会した。

エバンズ議長は会見で、共同議長らはこれら米新政権指導部に対して、次の5つの優先課題について「新たな行動をとるよう」求めたという。

(1)包括的核実験禁止条約(CTBT)の批准

(2)兵器用核分裂性物質生産禁止条約(FMCT)の交渉

(3)START条約を継続または更新する米ロ間の戦略核削減の交渉

(4)ロシアおよび中国との幅広い戦略対話の開始(ミサイル防衛など)

(5)核政策を変更し、米国の核兵器の唯一の役割は他国からの核の脅威から米国および同盟国を守ることであって、核以外の脅威に対して核を使うことはしないことを明確にすること

これらICNNDからの求めに対する米側の反応について、「非常に前向きな印象を受けた。率直にいって、期待した以上であった」とエバンズ議長は述べた。

エバンズ議長は、上記5点に優先順位はなく、いずれも等しく重要であると述べた。このうち、(4)に関連して川口議長は、「米ロ交渉だけではなく、中国を早い時点で戦略対話に巻き込み、信頼醸成、透明性、CTBT批准、核戦力強化の限定などについて議論していくことが必要」と述べた。(※これらの発言のテープ起こし(英語)を本記事の一番下に付した。)

なお(5)は、日本NGO連絡会が重視してきた「安全保障における核の役割の縮小」の課題である。米同盟国・日豪の両議長が、政府からは独立した立場であるとはいえ、米国に対してこうした立場を明確にしたことは重要である。(参照:日豪委員会と核の先制不使用問題に関する「核情報」の記事

ヒバクシャ・セッションを高く評価

エバンズ議長はまた、14日におこなわれたヒバクシャ・セッションに関して「非常に感動的で打ちのめされるような証言であった。証言された方はさぞお辛かっただろう」と述べ、「核問題について知的・抽象的な議論をするだけではなく、核の恐ろしさについて、たえずこのような人間の苦しみの観点を振り返る必要がある。(この証言は)委員たちに深い印象を与えた。準備をしてくださった日本側に感謝したい」と語った。川口議長も「ご高齢にもかかわらず遠路お越しいただいた(ヒバクシャの)皆さんに感謝したい」と述べた。

エバンズ��長

エバンズ議長

ヒバクシャ・セッションに関してエバンズ・川口両議長が述べた言葉(テープ起こし)は、以下の通り。

Evans: It was a very very moving devastating testimony that I think we heard from the Hibakusha survivors yesterday. It was very difficult, even though they’ve been telling their stories for many years now. Those stories were so harrowing so personal so intense in the emotional stress that’s obviously involved that it made a very big impression on the Commission. It’s very very important that when you sit down and address these issues, you don’t
just focus on the intellectual and abstract problems. We have to constantly remember that the reason we are so concerned about nuclear weapons is because they are the most horribly destructive weapons of all in terms of
the sheer human misery and waste and disfoliation that they cause. That was a message that came through very clearly from the survivors. It made a deep impression on the Commissioners and we are very grateful to Yoriko and the Japanese side for making possible our experience of that testimony.

Kawaguchi: …I think we have to know the horror of nuclear weapons from the bottom of our hearts…I am glad that the survivors were kind enough (the are old…) to come all the way to Washington and present their views.

モスクワ会合では原子力産業界を招待

このほか、エバンズ議長は6月中旬の第3回のモスクワ会合で、原子力産業界を招いて議論をおこなうことを明らかにした。「拡散抵抗技術など、原子力産業界が国際社会に対していかに責任ある態度をとれるかについて議論する。安全性や環境への影響といった従来からの意味においてだけでなく、警備体制を確保し核物質等が非国家主体の手に渡ることを防ぐといった意味においても、原子力産業界の責任を議論しなければならない」と述べた。

この件に関するエバンズ議長の発言(テープ起こし)は、以下の通り。

Evans: What we do want to do is very much engage the civil nuclear industry in our discussions and in Moscow we are specifically inviting the leaders of that industry world-wide to join us in a discussion. I suspect this will be an extended and ongoing process. The primary focus will be on issues like proliferation-resistant technology and ways in which the civil nuclear industry has responsibilities to the international community, not only in terms of the traditional issues of safety and environmental impact, but in terms of security and ensuring non-diversion to non-state actors and so on. This is the concern, in the context of a major new expansion of civil nuclear energy, that the vulnerabilities, the risks that are out there will just by definition be multiplied, unless we work very hard to put protective measures in place.

広島会合、正式に発表

このほか、午前の会見では、第4回会合が10月に広島で開催されることが正式に発表された。また、地域会合としては、サンチアゴ(ラテンアメリカ、5月)、北京(北東アジア、5月下旬)、ニューデリー(南アジア)、カイロ(中東、9月)が開催されることが発表された。

(ワシントン=川崎哲)

※米国への要求部分に関する英語のテープ起こし

Evans:
Let me focus specifically on the discussions we had specifically as the
Commission and as Co-Chairs on Friday with senior members of the
administration, which involved discussions with Vice President Joe
Biden, Senate Foreign Affairs Chairman John Kerry, Deputy Secretary of
State Jim Steinberg, National Security Advisor Jim Jones, Chairman of
the House Foreign Relations Committee Howard Berman, Chairman of the
Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation and Trade Brad Sherman, so a
very very full range of meetings with a group of very very senior
people, in the course of which I think I should say 2 things.

One – we took the opportunity to articulate our own preliminary views as
the Commission on what the priorities of the new United States
leadership actions should be in this area, and of course we took the
opportunity to listen very carefully to what we were being told about
the intentions and wishes of the administration and for major new
efforts to be made in this area.
Everything we heard, I have to say, was extremely encouraging. This is
extremely important in global terms because in this, as in frankly so
many other areas, US leadership is absolutely critical, and  US
leadership equally frankly has been somewhat missing over the last eight
years. It hasn’t been missing on the basic nonproliferation agenda, and
it’s important that continuity of effort be made in this respect. I’m
talking here about the efforts to manage the situation in Iran and North
Korea; improving verification and compliance; strengthening the NPT
regime itself; introducing new disciplines outside the NPT trying to
bring into a nonproliferation framework those countries that are not
members of the NPT – India, Pakistan, Israel; developing nuclear fuel
bank options; strengthening the security of weapons and fissile material
that are lying around in multiple insecure locations. All of those
strategies that have been associated with the previous administration
are important, are supported by the Commission and should be continued.
The trouble is that by themselves there is not going to be enough effort
and enthusiasm on those fronts to win global support. There has to be
much more visible commitment on the disarmament side of the equation by
the existing nuclear weapon states, and preeminently again by the US.

So we propose specifically to the US leadership that there are five
particular priorities in terms of new actions, or renewed actions – let
me put it that way since some of these things have been on the agenda in
the past but have been allowed to lapse. Five important initiatives
which should be taken, and in very brief order, not necessarily in order
of priority but in the order in which we put them:
1 – Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty ratification, if that can be possibly
be managed – we understand the political difficulties
2 – Revitalising the negotiations on a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty
which is designed to impose a universal discipline against the
production of new fissile material for nuclear weapons
3 – Energising and hopefully bringing to a conclusion bilateral
negotiations with Russia on the continuation or replacement or extension
of the existing START treaty involving further deep reductions in
strategic weapons
4 – The commencement of serious wide-ranging strategic dialogues with
both Russia – on other interrelated issues including missile defence,
and China – which is a crucially important player if we are going to see
a major step forward in the multilateral effort to reduce weapons and
achieve ultimate disarmament
5 – Finally the fifth point we are making to the administration is the
great importance of there being visible changes in US nuclear doctrine,
making clear that the sole purpose of US nuclear weapons should be to
protect US and its allies from the use of nuclear weapons by others, and
that it should not be part of US doctrine to threaten, to allow the
available use of nuclear weapons for other threats not involving nuclear
weapons. Of course there needs to be associated guarantees through
allies that are presently enjoying extended deterrence, but we believe
that this is a very important step forward, as are the others, in
changing the psychological landscape internationally and reinvigorating
the momentum for both disarmament and nonproliferation.

The final point that will be very much part of the Commission’s
recommendations is that nonproliferation and disarmament are
inextricably interconnected and that you simply can’t achieve
nonproliferation objectives without getting absolutely serious about
disarmament. We all know it’s a long long road in getting to zero, but
there are many way stations short of zero that are eminently worth
getting to and it is very important that that momentum be generated. Our
role as an international commission is to bring together all these
threads including all the issues relating to the likely renaissance in
peaceful nuclear energy, to articulate and rearticulate and repackage
what are in many cases quite familiar recommendations that have come
from previous commissions. But we want to articulate this stuff in a way
that has genuine political resonance and that will help to transform the
international political debate.

As my co chair Yoriko has very well said, there is a fantastic
opportunity now to take this debate a big step forward with the new
administration, with the intellectual leadership that’s been shown by a
member of our Commission Bill Perry and the so-called Gang of Four. Sam
Nunn, I should say, has been playing an active part in our discussions
these last two days as one of our advisors, along with George Schultz
and Dr Henry Kissinger, [with] that kind of realist intellectual
leadership that has been an important stimulus to rethinking a lot of
these issues. With a new administration I think we have a chance
internationally to take things a lot further forward and we hope that
our Commission can play a productive role in energising that process on
a wider international front.

Evans:
Let me clarify, these are specific new initiatives we are urging the US
to take as part of the whole process of energising the international
community and getting a large measure of agreement not just from the US,
or not just from the US and Russia, but from all the present nuclear
weapon states in the context of the NPT review conference. What we will
be proposing, and I again can’t go in to much more detail, is basically
an action plan with a short-term dimension, a medium-term dimension, a
long-term dimension, and there’s a whole bunch of things that we’ll be
recommending to various key players in each of those contexts.

Evans:
I don’t particularly want to prioritise [the five points] because I
think they are all equally important. In terms of time factor, I guess
getting started very very quickly on the US-Russia bilateral
negotiations is the most immediate priority and is probably perceived
that way by the US. But without putting words in any US interlocutors
mouth, I think it’s fair to say that we are pushing at a reasonably open
door on all those issues, and that many of them have actually been
foreshadowed in things the various administration spokesmen have already
said. The important thing will be to get energies harnessed and focused
on this in an environment with so much else happening, so many other
crashing priorities coming in on the administration. It is very
important to keep them focused on this, but I am very confident, we are
both very confident in terms of the reception we have received, this
stuff is being taken very seriously by the Obama administration.

Kawaguchi:
Let me say two things, one is that … and at this point it is clear
that almost all [the people we met] said that the issue of nuclear
disarmament and nonproliferation has a very high place in the
administration’s agenda. On each of the five points, exactly what they
would do, they are now contemplating, assessing internally, and they
have not announced exactly on each piece what they would do. But overall
my impression was that it is very, it was encouraging and we are
hopeful. And also about the five points… These five points were
written in very short sentences or phrases, and in our report of course
there will be nuances to this. Our report, although we aim at a
practical report, will not be as simple as that.

Evans: (Re CTBT)
The key issue in the US debate I suspect will be the confidence with
which senators and congressmen feel that they can believe in the
stockpile management issue, the technical issue, without testing what’s
the reliability of weapons going to b. And that’s going to be a debate
to which hopefully our Commission’s report can contribute. Another issue
that is going to exercise people’s minds is if the US does actually
ratify the CTBT, what will be the reaction of other key states that are
still holding out against that, China in particular? If we as again the
Commission can offer some confidence on the basis of our research and
advocacy that this will bear fruit, this hopefully will play back into
the domestic debate. Generally speaking I think there’s been a tendency
to underestimate the extent to which psychologically in the
international debate these sort of initiatives are of crucial importance
in demonstrating the good faith of the major states, the major weapon
states. If there can be momentum of this kind generated, it will play
very very positively into the cooperative response of others on
nonproliferation issues which are so important in the current environment..

Kawaguchi:
Another point, many people we talked to in the administration said it is
very important for the US to make NPT 2010 a success. They were really
wondering what we would, we can contribute from our report for this purpose.

Evans:
All the Commissioners and certainly Yoriko and I were very positively
impressed by the degree of engagement, the degree of commitment, the
degree of understanding of the significance of these issues, and
certainly led us to believe that there will be very serious commitment
by the US to follow through on these issues. I can’t be more specific
than that but it was across the board, and it was really very
impressive, and frankly more than I expected. This is an administration,
and I think it starts from the very top, that is very serious about
these issues and regards this as right up there as a global problem
alongside economic meltdown, alongside climate change, alongside the
particular regional issues in Afghanistan and Pakistan. This is really a
big issue for this administration.

Kawaguchi:
Let me say that we did not get a response on each of the five points
separately, what we said is that our overall impression was very
encouraging. The nuance of their positiveness obviously varied from
point to point, and given the economic situation, [the US is] busy
focusing on that issue. I don’t think it is fair for us to say exactly
what they have on their plans now.

Evans:
I think what one can say is that there is a clear interest in this
Commission packaging up some ideas that can go forward into the NPT
Conference that would bring together some of these themes of disarmament
and nonproliferation. One of the things in this context that the
Commission is considering as part of its recommendations will be for a
recrafting of basically the 13 Points in updated fashion as perhaps
something that could be called the new international nuclear consensus.
[This] would be a rearticulation of these very important basic
principles which were agreed in 2000 but then completely lapsed in 2005
in that dreadful move away from serious commitment to these things. I
think there is a serious willingness, not just on the part of the US but
also the UK and a number of others to rethink their position. I am quite
confident that this is one of the possible paths to shaping up the
debate in the NPT review conference. But it is early days yet and we
can’t be more specific than that. But it was featured in our conversation.

One Response to 共同議長ら、米新政権要人に核軍縮努力を求める Co-Chairs call on new US government to make efforts for disarmament

  1. […]  会見で川口議長は、その日の午前中のエバンズ議長との共同会見で述べたのと同じように、会合が始まる前日の2月13日に米新政権の要人を訪問したことを強調した。 […]

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